Augustine's test for a government is still the hardest one

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  Most nations remember a morning they would die to defend: a Bastille, a Boston, a shot that started everything. Canada has no such morning, and that is the point most easily missed about it. On 1 July 1867 the British North America Act took effect and the Dominion of Canada existed. No declaration was read to a crowd, no army had to be beaten, no king was overthrown. A handful of colonial politicians, John A. Macdonald among them, had argued their way through a series of conferences and…

• Was Britain's real achievement breaking the ceiling that capped every life before it?

  For nearly the whole of human history, the standard of living did not move. A peasant in Roman Gaul, a peasant in medieval England, and a peasant under the early Stuarts lived at roughly the same material level, because any surplus a society produced was eaten by the mouths it then fed. Good harvests bought more babies, not better lives, and population climbed back to the edge of hunger. Economists call this the Malthusian trap, and it held without exception. Then, in a damp corner of England…

• Were people really any dumber in the past?

  There is a habit in modern thinking that treats the past as a kind of half-awake state, as if the Age of Enlightenment woke us up. People imagine ancient societies as crowded with superstition, as if belief itself was less disciplined before modern science arrived to rescue it. It is a comforting story because it makes the present feel like an intellectual peak rather than just another arrangement of limits and assumptions.

• Is the United States the rare country built on an argument?

  Most nations are facts before they are ideas. France was French, with its language and its soil and its dead, long before anyone wrote down what France was for. The American Founding ran the other way. In 1776 there was no American people in the old sense, no shared ancestry, no national church, no thousand-year memory, only a set of colonies that had been quarreling with London and, increasingly, among themselves. What held them was a written argument: that governments exist to secure rights,…

• Were the Romans far more progressive than we give them credit for?

  There is a common trend of young men being interested in the Roman empire out of movies and populat history, and imagining it as a militaristic, right wing hyper-masculine empire that was great for men. Spartacus, Rome, Gladiator... to different degree all give a perception of Rome being a sort of warrior-culture, sometimes bogged down by decadence. Gladiator II takes this to a ridiculous extreme. For that particular movie, I recommend reading Brett's, from acoup.blog , critique:

• Was Italy's greatest cultural hour also a political catastrophe?

  We carry an unexamined assumption that culture follows power, that the great age of an art is the great age of its army. Renaissance Italy refutes it cleanly. Between roughly the fourteenth century and the sixteenth, the peninsula produced linear perspective, humanism, the recovered ancients, the secular gaze, and a recognizably modern idea of the individual person. It also failed, completely and humiliatingly, at the one task we usually call the test of a civilization. It could not unite,…

• Is there any conservative ideology left to recognize in the Republican party?

  I used to think I understood what I was part of. Not in a blind, devotional way, but in the sense that there was a rough consistency to it. Free markets, free trade, small government. Respect for institutions, personal responsibility, suspicion of concentrated power, especially when it showed up in Washington. Remember that? You didn’t have to agree with every position, but you could at least recognize the shape of the ideology.

• Before clocks were everywhere, how did two people agree to meet "later"?

  Before clocks were everywhere, how did ordinary people agree to meet at a time? I want the small, practical answer.